Both sides have showed their strength and volition in

 unprecedented trade war: The US didn’t easily stop and China was not that fragile to be defeated. How

ever, it has proven no empty talk that in a long-term trade war, both sides would eventually lose.

President Xi and President Trump reached consensus on December 1 and put the two countries back onto the win-win track. Th

e consensus has responded to the situation, conformed with people’s wishes and reversed the pessimism of the market.

Starting December 2018, rounds of consultations resolved a large n

umber of divergences. The outcome has been sufficient to outline a new face of China-US econo

ic and trade cooperation and to bring an incalculable impetus to both sides’ economic development.

In the final phase of the talks, both sides must keep calm, treasure the already-made ach

ievements and promote smoother and fairer China-US trade cooperation.

US demand for China’s structural reform must stay in line with China-US trade coo

peration and coordinate with China’s reform and opening-up. The talks must not tr

y to force Beijing to change its economic governance or even its development path.

The final deal should attend to the interests of nongovernmental organizations that ultimately carry out economic and trade cooperation.

China and the US must sign an agreement that will inspire their peo

ple,  heralding accelerated economic development. Only such deals can withstand the test of history.

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ina’s monetary policy to sail out of the ‘reefs’ and into

The year 2018 saw China’s monetary policy carefully sail through the “reefs,” as economic slowd

own and surging exchange rate risk left little room for adjustment. However, since the be

ginning of this year, major internal and external changes have broken the dilemma.

From the internal perspective, in January 2019, the “loose credit s

upply” saw improvement in terms of both volume and structure, barriers to implem

enting monetary policy removed, which is expected to guide the Chinese economy to stabilize in the first quarter.

First of all, China’s outstanding broad money supply, or M2, grew 8.4 percent year-on-year in January, while new yuan loans and social fina

ncing both soared to historic monthly highs at 3.23 trillion yuan ($478 billion) and 4.64 trillion yu

an, respectively. The figures showed that “loose fiscal policy” has had a positive effect on credit supply to the pri

vate sector, thus pushing up the growth rate for total social financing. It is expected that in the first quarter of 2019, wi

th the gradual implementation of “loose fiscal policy,” the volume of “loose credit supply” will remain at a high level.

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Sci-fi blockbuster showcases Chinese vision of cooperation

China’s sci-fi blockbuster The Wandering Earth broke Chinese film’s five-year box office record on th

e North American market. Based on the novel by Liu Cixin, the movie is said to usher in China’s sci-fi blockbuster era.

Does this film resonate simply because it is a good sci-fi film made by Chinese? Of course not. It is mainly because the story reflects the co

mmon concern of people of different color, belief and nationality in the world. That is: the fate of the Earth. We

share a common destiny because we are living in the same global village. The movie has struck a responsive chord in the hearts of its audiences.

American sci-fi filmmakers have a prolonged enthusiasm about the fate of the Earth from the early stage to recent years.

From The Day of the Earth Stood Still in the 1950s to Armageddon (1998) and MegaFault (2009), a long list can be m

ade. Of course, the heroes who saved the planet were all Americans without exception. But this time it is Chinese.

The Wandering Earth shows that Chinese people are sentimentally attached to their mother pl

anet and foreigners feel the same. Indeed, Chinese people offered their own solution in the film. But in fact, the

success of The Wandering Earth is not who saved the planet, but people resolving a severe problem faced by mankind.

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There is a twin motivation behind his presence in the regio

one hand, Modi wanted to push forward the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill in South Tibet where it may help New Delhi assimilate local

population and convert it demographically into a more “Indianized” one; on the other, Modi sought to pacify irritated and alienated local comm

unities by introducing more developmental projects and pro-growth schemes. In addition, by sending out a strong signal that China’s fierce protests woul

d not deter him from visiting the frontier region, Modi also sought to appeal to nationalistic voters before the election.

Following the passing of the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill in the Lok Sabha on January 8, South T

ibet had been hit by waves of protests across the region. A large number of Hindu immigrants from Bangladesh have been sent into South Tib

et since the 1950s, but have no citizenship. However, if the Bill is enacted, these refugees would likely get Indi

an citizenship, which poses a threat to the local community as their swelling population in the long run may well crowd out and eat up the indigenous pop

ulation. For example, Hajong people – a Hindu group originally residing in former East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) which fled to India  due to religious persecu

tion – have been migrating to South Tibet since the 1960s, but their presence since then has been a constant source of conflicts.

It was against this backdrop that Modi trod on the soil of South Tibet. Signaling that his governm

ent gives a lot of importance to the region which has been neglected by previous governments, Modi sought to

pacify annoyed locals by giving them a long list of gifts. The Indian prime minister laid the foundation stone of several developme

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ntal programs and inaugurated several large-scale infrast

projects, including highway, railway, airport and power stations. However, in the face of local protests, the effectiveness of Modi’s economic package, delivered just a few months before the

election, seemed very suspicious. Interestingly, because of the tremendous opposition against the Bill and the frustrating situation on the g

round, BJP’s top local politician who was defending the bill changed his tune almost as soon as Modi left.

Clearly, Modi’s twin election trick, which comprised both nationalistic and developmental ele

ments, was clearly at work during his visit to disputed South Tibet. However, sacrificing the pa

instakingly earned mutual trust and progress in Sino-Indian relations for the sake of ephemeral political benefits seems unwise.

Even though India and China have so far held 21 rounds of talks to resolve the border dispute, and Modi and President Xi have met at least four times in 2018 to bring b

ilateral ties back on a stable footing, the border issue remains the single-most sensitive topic between the two countries. While

the dispute between China and India remains too large to be resolved altogether, both sides would better carefully manage it.

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wasting US’ wealth. In the near future, Washington may no

 assistance to the World Bank and quit the organization. The World Bank is a multilateral institution which was establ

ished under US leadership, and guided by the US Treasury Department. Its heads have traditionally been

appointed by the US government. The World Bank reflected US global strength and was a key instrument for

Washington’s global governance, and increasing its influence as a soft power. However, currently Washington seems to de

molish the structure it built itself by exiting international organizations that signal globalism.

Based on the experiences of the late 20th century, there are several drawbacks of globalism and globalization.

First, globalization enables strong nations to consolidate their d

ominance and lead the international order. It is an instrument that induces weaker states to ob

ey the will of the stronger ones. Globalism is keen on promoting universal values, taking the moral high gr

ound, blaming countries whose actions do not accord with universal values and even intervening militarily in some natio

ns. What does international intervention bring to global politics? It can be explained by hot button issues in Eurasia.

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Terrorist issue could be better addressed by Indiarror strike by P

A terror strike by Pakistan-based terrorist group Jaish-e-Mohammed killed at least 40 India paramilitary police and injured many others in the India

n-administered state of Jammu and Kashmir on Thursday, Indian media reported. Blind anger toward China was ignited after it.

Some Indian analysts sought to link the deadly attack to “China’s continued protection” of the perpe

trators. By refusing to back India’s appeal to list Masood Azhar, leader of terrorist outfit Ja

ish-e-Mohammed, as a global terrorist by the UN, they argued, China is supporting terrorism against India.

Citing China’s refusal to support the bid to have Azhar blacklisted by the UN, India in recent years has aggressively bl

amed China for allying with Pakistan in shielding terrorists. It disregards the fact that as a victim of terrorism itself, China has

pledged to support the international community’s anti-terrorism efforts and stands ready to work with India and all other countries to fight terrorism.

As for the issue of listing Azhar, Beijing has reiterated its stand several times that New Delhi should pr

ovide solid facts and proofs for banning Azhar. China has reason to cautiously handle the issue. Observers worry that blacklisting Azhar co

uld be used by India to increase its military pressure on Pakistan, thus risking exacerbating tensions between the two countries.

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ooperation will bring benefits to the two countries while

conflicts will injure both sides, he added.Xi called China-US ties one of the world’s most important

bilateral relationships, and the two countries have wide common interests a

nd shoulder important responsibilities in safeguarding world peace and promoting global prosperity.

Maintaining the healthy and stable development of the China-US relationship is in line with the fundamen

tal interests of the people of both countries, and it is also the common wish of the international community, Xi said.

Xi mentioned his latest meeting with US President Donald Trump on the sidelines of the G20 Leaders

Summit in Argentina in December, saying that the two leaders reached important consensuses.

The two countries should promote building stable, cooperative and coordinative Chi

na-US relations, Xi said. The two sides should enhance communication, focus on cooperation a

nd handle disputes to promote economic and trade cooperation, Xi added.

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Moreover, the West likes to attack China by using Chinese

dissidents and their families. Western countries believe that they can easily dig up stories about those people and they can be easily manipulat

ed as well. However, what happened with Angela Gui has sent a clear message that there is always the risk of it backfiring. Those peopl

e are fully aware of being used by some Western interests, which results in a strong sense of insecurity and suspicion. Some of them are also selfish. A f

ew years ago, a Chinese dissident well-known in the West left China for the US and later embarrassed his American patrons.

Furthermore, nowadays Western public opinion is increasingly radical and populist, which has made it difficult for some countrie

s to adopt a realistic approach and repair relations with China after disputes. Some prominent for

eigners who have a comprehensive understanding of China are facing an increasing risk of acting differently from t

he radical sentiment. Recently, John McCallum, Canadian ambassador to China, was criticized and finally lost his po

sition, due to his attempt to ease the China-Canada relationship regarding the incident of Meng Wanzhou.

Last but not least, the incident has primarily embarrassed the Swedish Foreign Ministry m

ore than causing trouble to China. Some Western media claim that Anna Lindstedt’s behavior pr

oves China exercises significant influence on ambassadors of Western countries to China. Such a comment is hi

ghly unprofessional and makes no sense except to show they do not know what they are talking about. Am

bassadors are usually among those in their own country who hope at the utmost to maintain sound relations with th

e country to which they are posted. Generally, they are supposed to play a dovish role, not a hawkish one. Some We

stern media authors need to learn basic ABC knowledge of diplomacy. (The author is a commentator with the Global Times)

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Zhai, 32, is also a postdoctoral candidate at Peking Univ

versity. He found himself in hot water last week on social media after a netizen accused him of plagiarism.

The academy launched its own investigation on Mon

day. It completed its preliminary collection of evidence and notified Zhai, adding it has zero tolerance f

or academic misconduct and will look into other matters uncovered by netizens.

In a public apology posted on Sina Weibo on Thursday, Zhai said, “I lost myself amid a mentality of vanity and good luck.”

“After I starred in a few films and TV series, I became full of myself and forgot honesty is the most important principle,” Zhai said.

“Vanity misled me, and I brought this attitude into writing academic papers. I will withdraw from postdoctoral res

earch at Peking University and I am deeply sorry to my school, teachers, fans and the public,” he wrote.

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